News

Wage Increase Won’t Help Youth Unemployment

National’s decision to increase the training and new entrants’ minimum wages at a time when 23 per cent of youth are unemployed is not helpful, ACT Parliamentary Leader John Banks said today.

“Increasing both the training and new entrants wage erodes the incentive for businesses to hire young people, leaving youth out of hope and out of dignity,” Mr Banks said. 

“It’s bad enough that twenty-three per cent of our young people seeking work cannot find it, but worse still is that this figure rises to 34 per cent for young Maori.

“Paying young people $4.50 an hour to sit around on the dole is throwing in the towel. 

“ACT would like to see young people given the opportunity of work, the ability to gain experience and a chance to contribute to our economy. 

“This will only happen if we give employers the right incentives to do so by reducing impediments to youth employment, not increasing them,” Mr Banks said. 

 ENDS

 

Address in Reply

This Parliament has got off to a very good start, with two outstanding contributions by Alfred Ngaro and Paul Goldsmith, new backbench members of the National Party caucus.

There was once a time in this Parliament—in fact, in the days when the Hon Dr Michael Cullen was here as a young man—when, in an Address in Reply debate like this, every Member of Parliament would sit through every contribution in the belief that every Member of Parliament would have something worthwhile to say.  Today the House is abandoned, presumably because there is a belief that not every Member of Parliament has something worthwhile to say. 

But if we can agree to agree on the things that we agree on, then maybe we can make some progress for this country, and that is the reason we are here.

It has been a long time between drinks; in fact, Mr Speaker, it has been 12 years.

More than a decade since I have left here, there have been some changes. For everything that changes, nothing changes much, but what has changed in the last decade and two years is this country.

In my valedictory speech, on 5 October 1999, I recorded the significant progress we made during the 1990s.  However, that progress has been reversed: the past decade has been lost. 

In the past 12 years a net 280,000 of our best and brightest citizens have fled this country.  We now have more of our people living overseas than any other developed country in the OECD, except Ireland.

This country is at the crossroads.

In my valedictory speech, when members all thought that I had gone for ever, I lamented that there was no hope for the young if we continued to throw welfare at them, yet non – worked-tested benefits have grown by 60,000 in the past decade. Last year we had over a quarter of a million New Zealanders on non – work-tested benefits.  It is my long belief that most people want to work, and there is no dignity in joblessness.

In the 1990s our multifactor productivity grew twice as fast as it had in the 1980s.  In the past decade, growth was even worse than in the 1980s. 

We have gone backwards. 

Every single year in the 1990s the value of our exports exceeded the value of our imports.  “New Zealand Inc.” was paying its way. 

In the past decade we paid our way, only 5 years out of the 10.

It has been a great struggle for New Zealand families; for the families that we come to this House to represent, for the families that we come to this House to give a leg up and a hand out when they need it, for the families that struggle to make ends meet, and for the families that face Christmas without much, and without much hope for the new year.

In the 1990s the cost of owning a home was equivalent to three times disposal income. Now the cost of owning a home is five times disposal income. Australians now earn 40 per cent more than we do for doing the same work.  How can we expect to compete with Australia when so many of our citizens have been left out and left behind by an education system that does not work for them?

I congratulate John Key and the National Party on forming this Government. The Speech from the Throne had much to say about coming to grips with some of this country’s challenges. It is time to come to grips with some of this country’s challenges.  I believe that education is the key to creating change.

Education that works is the answer for a generation that has not signed up to learning.  Education that works is the answer to get our poorest citizens into work, into jobs, and into higher wages. I want nothing more than every young person to be engaged in a world-class education opportunity. Although the State education system works for the majority of our students, it fails too many.

I do not criticise the teachers, in the classrooms, who are doing their best, but far too many of our students are wagging school—in fact, 30,000 every day of the week.  We know that 20 percent of our  school-leavers are unable to read or write well enough to get a job, and nearly one in three of our youth today is consigned to the dole—a welfare cheque and oblivion.

That is why I am glad to have secured National’s support for ACT’s innovative approach to education: education that works for the kids who cannot find work, because the education system has not worked for them.  Charter schools are about giving children choices that they would not otherwise have. 

A charter school is set up with an ambitious, well-defined mission to meet the educational needs of particular communities and with the freedom needed to do just that.  Their success is based on having freedom to innovate, combined with strict accountability to parents and the Government for academic and financial performance.   My hope is that all four corners of this Parliament can put the needs of our underachieving students ahead of the politics of the day.

 If we are to make this country a place of achievement, of success and pride, then we cannot continue to talk about the politics of the left and the politics of the right. 

There is no left or right in a dole queue—it is all wrong.  

There is no left or right in the 2,500 people who turned up for 150 jobs at a Countdown supermarket in South Auckland.

It is not about the politics of the left and the right, it is about the reality of confronting a country on a mouse wheel—a mouse wheel that sees New Zealanders put in the second-longest hours of work per capita in the OECD, but for only the 23rd highest incomes. We are working harder, earning less, saving much less, and struggling to make ends meet.

It is deeply worrying for me that people on the average income in rural, provincial Kaikohe—an area of provincial New Zealand I represented in this Parliament—are living on just $14,000 a year.

It is deeply worrying for me to see the deep trenches of social deprivation that I witnessed first-hand while campaigning in the 23 electorates across greater Auckland.  It is deeply depressing for me to sit in District Courts in parts of this country where it is an outing as opposed to a punishment, where there is no care and no hope, where there is no job and no work, and where there is no dignity and no pride except going back to jail with the mates.

We must stop talking about the left and stop talking about the right and start talking about the education that works for the most disadvantaged of our citizens: education that represents innovation, apprenticeships, jobs, and prosperity. The country is at a crossroads and there needs to be a sense of urgency.

After 14 elections my days are getting longer and the years are getting shorter. I am here to make a difference. I have come back to this 50th Parliament to make a difference.

ACT’s agenda for the 50th Parliament is a commitment to the values that underpin the time-honoured values of the ACT Party.  These values are timeless: freedom, choice, and personal responsibility.  These are the pillars of a modern, successful democracy that pays its way and earns its keep, a society where young have hope, where families are strong, and the vulnerable are cared for.

Under our negotiated agreement in confidence and supply with this Government, substantially negotiated by my friend the Hon John Boscawen and Catherine Isaac, we are going to provide updates on how we are closing the gap in income with Australia.  We need to close that gap with Australia if we are going to keep our best and our brightest from fleeing this nation. 

We also negotiated in the confidence and supply agreement a spending limit to be introduced to check the excesses of the Government.  Welfare will be remodelled.  The ACC work account will be open to competition, and the Resource Management Act will be streamlined.

Let me at this stage pay tribute to the work of Rodney Hide, the member for Epsom and the member of this House.  He did a good job and made a great contribution to New Zealand, and I thank him for that.

Let me also say today a big thank you to the voters of Whangarei who gave me the opportunity to enter the 40th Parliament.  Today I would like to thank the people of Epsom for the opportunity to represent their aspirations in the 50th Parliament.  In fact, medical technology is on my side and I am looking forward to being here in the 60th Parliament. 

I have high hopes and great expectations for New Zealand. I have high hopes and greater expectations for our young people, and I have greater hopes and greater expectations for this 50th Parliament.

John Banks Welcomes Productivity Commission’s First Report

ACT New Zealand MP John Banks today welcomed the first draft report by the New Zealand Productivity Commission which concludes that home ownership is unaffordable for many.

“Home ownership is something my generation, and the generations before me, took for granted. For most young people today, home ownership is now only a dream,” Mr Banks said.

 “ACT is glad to have secured National’s support last term for the establishment of the Productivity Commission, which is tasked with improving productivity and therefore the standard of living for all New Zealanders.

“Housing affordability is an issue that must be addressed and the Productivity Commission’s first report has given us much to think about,” concluded Mr Banks.
 

ACT - National Agreement Nets Significant Policy Gains for ACT

ACT New Zealand Party President Chris Simmons and ACT MP Hon John Banks today announced the details of ACT’s Confidence and Supply Agreement, highlighting a number of very significant policy ‘wins’ for ACT.

Mr Simmons said the new agreement builds on the two parties’ strong, constructive partnership of the past three years and advances ACT’s core economic and social policy goals. 

“In particular ACT wanted to see controls put in place to prevent excessive Government spending and poor quality regulation, improved choice in education, especially in disadvantaged communities, and reform of other key policy areas that are currently holding New Zealand’s economy back,” Mr Simmons said. 

Hon John Banks said that the policy programme outlined in the agreement was an excellent platform for ACT in Parliament and a strong base from which to continue building the relationship between the two parties.

“It shows that National is willing to make changes in these key economic and social policy areas to ensure our joint aspirations for a more prosperous New Zealand are met,” Mr Banks said.

Key features of the agreement are:

• Continuation of ACT’s focus during the last term on publicly monitoring progress on improving the country’s economy wide performance using international benchmarks, and building on the work of the 2025 Taskforce, with a requirement for Treasury to report annually on the progress being made to improve the quality of institutions and policies, raise productivity, and reduce the income gap with Australia. 

• Continuation of ACT’s work during the last term to reduce the regulatory burden on businesses and individuals through taking the Regulatory Standards Bill through to the new Parliament, with an agreement to pass a mutually agreed Bill based on Treasury’s preferred option (option 5) within 12 months.

• Continuation of ACT’s work during the last term on the Spending Cap (People’s Veto) Bill with an agreement to incorporate a legislated spending cap through a mutually agreed amendment to the Public Finance Act. 
 
• Reform of the Resource Management Act, including simplifying legislation to ensure there is only one plan (a “unitary” plan) for each district.

• The provision to set up a trial charter school system - under sections 155 (Kura Kaupapa Maori) and 156 (designated character schools) of the Education Act – for disadvantaged communities, specifically in areas such as South Auckland and parts of Christchurch where educational underachievement is most entrenched.  A private sector-chaired implementation group will be established to develop the proposal for implementation in this parliamentary term.

• The establishment of a taskforce to produce a comprehensive report on governance issues relating to state policy towards state, integrated and independent schools. 

• The implementation in this parliamentary term of the Welfare Working Group recommendations 27: Parenting obligations, 28: Support for at-risk families, 30: Income management and budgeting support, and 34: Employment services.

• To introduce competition to ACC’s Work Account.

• To support National’s Post-Election Action Plan.

• The appointment of Hon John Banks to the positions of Minister for Small Business, Minister for Regulatory Reform, Associate Minister of Education and Associate Minister of Commerce. 

Mr Banks said New Zealand is facing very challenging times. 

“This agreement is a significant achievement for ACT, addressing not just economic issues but key social issues as well, in particular those that are currently contributing to our very high rates of unemployed, undereducated and socially marginalised young people. 

“I intend over the next three years to advocate for further advances in these areas as well as in the areas of government spending and regulation, labour market reform, and other policies to reduce the burden on businesses and boost productivity and economic growth.

“I would like to thank former ACT MP and Parliamentary Leader John Boscawen for the lead work he has done over the past week to finalise the terms of the agreement.  His advice and ACT Party experience has been invaluable and stands us in good stead to reinvigorate and strengthen the Party over the next three years.

“ACT looks forward to working with National, and Prime Minister John Key, to put in place policies to strengthen our country and put us on a path to prosperity,” Mr Banks concludes. 

ENDS

 

ACT Auckland Campaign Closing Speech

G’day folks,

Six months ago I did a short course in Washington D.C.  The course was called the Campaign Management Institute and it was about political campaigning.
I was keen to learn about the politics and campaigning there, but it turned out to be a bit simpler than I thought.

‘Elections are about choices,’ the lecturer said. 

Elections are about choices.  I started to wonder if they were going to tell me anything interesting.  But sometimes the simplest turns out to be the best.  And as we close this campaign and turn the choices over to the voters tomorrow, I can see what he meant.

ACT has played an honourable role in offering the voter choices in this campaign, and tomorrow those choices couldn’t be starker.

The first choice is purely strategic, and only in one electorate.

I happen to be a centre-right Epsom voter myself, and to us in Epsom the choice couldn’t be clearer.

I could vote for Paul Goldsmith, and get Paul Goldsmith who’s already going to be an MP off the National Party list anyway.  It would be a bit like buying a Christmas present that you already know is in Santa’s sack.

But I’m going to vote for John Banks.  I’m going to vote for Banksie because he’s a legend.  A guy that started out sleeping under Grafton Bridge and built up his own restaurant chain, adopted three kids from the other side of the world and brought them to the greatest country on Earth, and has already had a bigger political career than almost anyone in New Zealand politics today.

Moreover, as a centre-right Epsom voter, I know that a vote for John Banks is MMP insurance.  A vote for Banksie is a vote for Paul Goldsmith, John Banks, and the ACT team.

As the polls tighten up all eyes will turn to Epsom tomorrow night, and that choice will be the choice between keeping John Key as Prime Minster, or turning the Government benches over to Phil Goff supported by a coterie of borrowers, spenders, and no-hopers.

National might just make MMP history and squeak in alone tomorrow night, but they won’t do it twice in a row.  Without ACT as a long term coalition partner, National will have a choice of their own.  Either move dramatically to the left or spend a very long time in the political wilderness.

Inside the choice of whether to have a viable centre right, there are policy choices.

In all the candidate debates I’ve seen, those choices are crystal clear.

The Labour Party offer 1970s economic policy.

We can keep a flexible labour market where wages and jobs depend on what customers are willing to pay for what workers produce.  Or, Labour could take us back to the 70s with a central government agency setting wages for entire industries.

We can keep what is internationally recognised as one of the best central banking systems in the world, a system that keeps prices stable and lets people get on with business.  Or, Labour would take us back to the 70s by, as my Auckland Central opponent Jacinda Ardern likes to put it, ‘giving the Reserve Bank Governor more tools’.  What she really means is letting the reserve bank play dice with our money supply, a bit like the U.S. Federal Reserve was before the Great Financial Crisis.

We can keep one of the cleanest and simplest tax systems in the world.  Or, Labour would take us back to the 70s with a Capital Gains tax, a tax that raises little revenue, is difficult to enforce and comply with, and slows down investment.

We can keep raising wages by raising productivity.  Or, Labour, the Greens, the Maori Party, and the Mana Party would take us back to the 70s by trying to put up wages by legislating a much higher minimum wage.  You just have to ask yourself, who are all the countries in history that have legislated themselves rich?

We can keep to the consensus that governments picking winners and trying to invest your money better than you can is wrong.  I thought that Muldoon’s’ Think Big’ policies had inoculated us against such misadventures.  Or, we could have a Green Party Minister playing with a billion bucks worth of your taxpayer money, investing in Clean Energy, taking on the General Electrics, Siemens and Samsungs of the world.  You just have to ask yourself, if you knew what the next big thing in the energy industry was, would you be working at it and investing in it or would you be standing for the Green Party?

Maori and Mana would like to have a Financial Transaction Tax.  Tariana Turia says it could generate $22 billion per year.  She should know that the entire revenue of the Financial and Insurance sectors combined was only $12 billion in 2009.  They would be paying 183 per cent tax.  We’d have no financial sector and be back to bartering overnight.

We can continue to be the only nation in the world that has made a better fist of bringing together different cultures than anywhere else, or we can go down the path of constitutional biculturalism, where there are different laws for different races, as Mana and the Maori Party would have us.

Folks, beneath the choice of giving the Centre Right a viable coalition, or giving power away to the coalition of the left for a very long time are some very significant policy choices.

But the choice is not just about whether or not we have a centre right government, but whether we have a very good one.

Between giving a party vote to National, or a Party Vote to ACT, there are more choices.

Whenever John Key ducks a hard choice he says he wants to ‘take people with him’.  The thing is, I’m not exactly sure whether he knows where he’s going.
With National the Emissions Trading Scheme will soon be taking $100 per month out of a household of four to pay for tree planting and foreign carbon credits.  ACT says we should put that money back into the economy and let those households spend it themselves.

With National we’ll be keeping the pension age at 65 come hell or high water.  No matter that the Retirement Commissioner says we must raise it, or that half the developed world is in the process of raising theirs, or that in my lifetime there’ll be only two workers to support every superannuitant.   ACT says we need to recognise demographic and fiscal reality, and would put the pension age question to a public vote.

With National we’ll be keeping Helen Clark’s election bribe spending that has drained the life from the productive sector with punishing taxes today and irresponsible borrowing to be repaid tomorrow.  ACT says we need to get real about government spending.

With National we’ll be tinkering with the Frankenstein Resource Management Act legislation.  The legislation that has armies of bureaucrats policing the colours people paint their houses at the ratepayers’ own expense, will remain essentially unchanged.  ACT says that the RMA needs a radical overhaul so New Zealanders can get on with developing and using their property.

With National our education system will continue to operate like McDonalds, where the bureaucrats in the Ministry decide what children are taught, how, and by whom.  ACT says we should return power over how schools are run to the people who know the children and the schools best.  Parents, principals, and teachers.

With National there is no good reason to think that New Zealand will close the income gap with Australia, as we haven’t in the past three years.  ACT says we should professionally measure that gap and relentlessly pursue its closure by 2030.

These are the choices this election. 

There is the strategic choice in Epsom. 

There are the broad policy choices between the left and the right.

Then there are the choices about the flavour of any future centre right government.

But beneath these headline choices is a much simpler one.

Do we think New Zealand is worth it?

If we do, then a Party Vote for ACT is a vote for sound economic management.  It’s a vote for New Zealand to be a first world country that can afford first world public services and offer first world opportunity to the next generation.

If we don’t then the other parties will take us up the garden path.  Some of us will try to vote ourselves rich in the short term but all of us will be poorer in the long term.

When it comes to rational economic management, I can’t think of a better champion than Don Brash.

Like John Banks, Don is a legend.

He has a PhD in Economics and both his Masters and PhD Thesis were published books.

He worked for five years for the World Bank in Washington.

He had a successful career as a private sector banker.

He was the second longest serving Reserve Bank Governor in this country’s history, and the Economist magazine called him ‘the world’s best central banker’.
I don’t think there’s anyone alive today who understands the New Zealand eonomy better than Don Brash.

I can’t think of a better voice to have in parliament during an economic crisis, while New Zealand is in a long term economic decline relative to our trading partners, than Don Brash.

That’s why, in the polling booth tomorrow you need to give your party vote to ACT. 

ENDS
 

ETS: Limited Benefits and Embarrassing Consequences

 
All New Zealand voters need to think smart before they vote after a damming report from SWISS banking giant UBS which shows the European Union's Emissions Trading Scheme has cost $287 billion for ‘almost zero impact’ on cutting carbon emissions , ACT New Zealand Primary Industry Spokesman Don Nicolson said today.  
 
“New Zealand has an even more all-encompassing and costly ETS acting as a brake on our economy.  It’s costing every household, every small business, and every farmer, huge amounts for what? A big fat zero,” Mr Nicolson said. 
 
“As a country we cannot afford to be yet another Western democracy that has not faced up to reality. 
 
“We therefore cannot afford to have poor policies like the ETS – which UBS labelled in the EU as having ‘limited benefits and embarrassing consequences’ – dragging our economy down.   Yet National, Labour and the Greens continue to push for this foolish scheme.   
 
“It is no good thinking what may have been after the election – this Saturday is crunch time. 
 
“ACT is the only Party that is opposed to the ETS and is the only Party that will continue to push for the scheme to be scrapped until our major trading partners come on board.
 
“If New Zealanders want to rid themselves of the ETS handbrake on our economy, and if they honestly care about our future, then they need to make sure they give their party vote to ACT,” Mr Nicolson said.

ACT Slams Phil Goff's Selective Comparisons

ACT New Zealand Primary Industries Spokesman Don Nicolson today attacked Phil Goff's selective use of comparisons following Wednesday evenings Leaders’ debate on TV One.

"The public deserve to know about Labour's dishonest use of comparisons," Mr Nicolson said.

"On the one hand, Phil Goff talks about New Zealand being one of the few countries in the OECD without a Capital Gains Tax. He’s wrong, because there is tax on some capital gains already. But conveniently, he fails to note that we are much more out on our own with our ETS.

"New Zealand is the only country in the OECD that has legislated for a highly damaging and costly all-gases, all-sectors ETS.

"If Labour and the Greens form a government, we'd be the only country in the OECD to then put farm biological emissions into an ETS.

"Not that National can be trusted since they did a 180 degree turn on it after being elected in 2008.

"If farmers want the ETS moderated and eventually abandoned, farmers need to party vote ACT.  Only ACT will be farmers’ voice in the Parliament," Mr Nicolson said.

ENDS

Closing the Gap Like We Mean It

Speech by ACT Leader Don Brash
ACT Wellington Campaign Close
Thursday, November 24 2011

Good afternoon. 

Lewis Carroll once said,

‘If you don’t know where you’re going, any road will get you there'.

The question of where we need to go as a country is very much one of what you believe the most urgent problems are. 

Some will say that our most urgent problems are dirty rivers, child poverty, and the possibility of some power companies being sold.

The first two of those are certainly important.  But I’ve argued, and will continue to argue, that our economic decline is equally important, and much more urgent.

The reason is, looking after the environment and our most vulnerable citizens takes money.  The wealthier we are, the better we can do so. 

Our most urgent priority should be to retain and attract people and investment.  If we fail at that challenge, then a lack of money will ensure that we cannot solve the problems other parties identify either.

As I will argue in a moment, the most important question that we need to answer is whether or not what we’re doing to close the gap between our incomes and those in Australia is working.

But if we don’t know how we’re doing, any approach will seem to work.

Anyone who doubts the urgency of lifting our economic performance should consider how our competition with Australia for people, investment, and jobs is playing out.

As reported by the 2025 Taskforce two years ago, Australians were earning 35 per cent more on average than we were in 2008.  That was the best calculation possible taking into account differences in currency and the cost of living. 

The New Zealand Herald recently reported that the gap between workers in Auckland and Sydney was 38 per cent.  Based on Australia’s faster economic growth in the past three years, we can guess that the gap is now approaching 40 per cent.

For decades, there has been a strong relationship between the exodus of New Zealanders across the Tasman and the gap between New Zealand and Australian incomes. 

When the gap grows, New Zealanders leave faster.

Statistics New Zealand reports that the net loss of New Zealanders across the ditch was nearly 300,000 in the past decade.  On our current path, we can expect to lose a further 400,000 New Zealanders - equivalent to the entire population of the greater Wellington region - by 2025.

The exodus is pernicious because it creates a cumulative effect. 

Every time a New Zealander leaves, they take with them hundreds of thousands of dollars’ worth of healthcare and education that taxpayers have invested in them.  They also take with them their future potential as wealth creators and taxpayers.

The incentive for still more people to leave increases, and we find ourselves in a downward spiral.

If we keep allowing this to happen, we will be facing a total collapse of New Zealand as we currently conceive it.

But our economic performance isn’t like bad weather.  We do have the power to change it if we make the right policy choices.

Over the past three years, no party has had a better record than ACT in pushing the economic growth agenda.  This is what we achieved:  

First, we helped to change the government and make John Key Prime Minster.

Had ACT not contested the last election, some of ACT’s voters would likely have voted National.  But given the electorates’ allergy to single party government under MMP, it seems unlikely that National would have governed alone.

Would the Maori Party have made John Key Prime Minister anyway?  The simple answer is no.

Without ACT, Helen Clark would still be Prime Minister today. 

Without ACT this time, it’s quite possible that Phil Goff will be Prime Minister by Sunday, supported by a coalition of borrowers, spenders and no-hopers who will accelerate our economic decline.

ACT not only helped make John Key Prime Minister in 2008, but were responsible for achieving many of the important policies to improve our economic performance passed by the Government since then.  

ACT pushed for long over-due reform of the Local Government Act, improving the transparency and efficiency of councils for ratepayers.

ACT convinced the Government to extend the 90-day trial period for new employees from firms employing fewer than 20 people only, to all firms, increasing employment opportunities for people who might not otherwise have been hired.

ACT convinced the Government to start work on opening up the ACC to competition, giving employers more flexibility, choice, and reward for safer practices.

ACT supported the Government to reform the Resource Management Act, leading to improvements in compliance costs for developing and using New Zealand’s greatest resource, its land.

ACT had the Productivity Commission established so that, like Australia, New Zealand will have a government agency that actually advocates for the wealth creators in the country rather than the government sector and its direct beneficiaries.

ACT also pushed for the establishment of a new Ministerial position, Minister for Regulatory Reform, and in that role Rodney Hide was responsible for taking the secateurs to red tape for the benefit of New Zealand business.

In addition to these positive initiatives, ACT has also been the leading opponent of bad policies, such as the Emissions Trading Scheme and the refusal of the Government to reinstate a youth minimum wage.

There is no doubt that a vote for ACT in 2008 was a vote for steering the Government towards better policies for economic growth.

Unfortunately, this has not been enough to address our economic malaise.

This week, Statistics New Zealand reported a near-record net exodus of 35,000 New Zealanders across the Tasman.  Over the past three years, the net exodus has averaged 25,000 per year, up on the average of 21,000 during Helen Clark’s time in office.

Similarly, the wage gap that was supposed to be closing has been reported as widening.  Over the past three years, the Australian Bureau of Statistics reports Australian wage growth of 12.6 per cent compared to New Zealand wage growth of 11 per cent.

John Key meanwhile claims that New Zealand wages have grown faster because tax cuts leave Kiwi workers with more take-home pay, even as the government borrows $300 million per week to prop up its spending.

New Zealand clearly needs to do more if we’re serious about closing the income gap with Australia.

There’s no doubt in my mind that ACT is by far the most serious and credible party on the question of closing the income gap with Australia.

In my speech at ACT’s campaign launch, I announced a series of priorities that ACT would pursue in any future coalition government. 

ACT would continue to pursue the passage of the Spending Cap Bill.  This bill would constrain government spending to rise no faster than the rate of inflation plus population growth, aside from national emergencies.  It would remove the incentive for the kind of election bribe spending practised by the Clark Government in its last three years, and reduce taxation on wealth creators.

ACT would push the Government to reduce government spending relative to the size of the economy to enable radical tax reduction, and a lower exchange rate.   ACT would push for a radically lower company tax rate of 12.5 per cent, with the top personal rate as low as revenue will allow, perhaps 25 per cent.

ACT would push to sharply reduce bureaucracy, opening up more opportunity for wealth creation by cutting back the kind of bureaucracy that sees councils employing people to enforce such inane regulations as those which stipulate what colour people must paint their homes.

ACT would also push for better quality regulation through our Regulatory Standards Bill.  This Bill sets out principles for responsible regulation that all proposed regulations must be measured against.  Ministers or MPs wishing to pass regulations not up to standard must explain to the public why the regulation should still be passed.  This public accountability would see a reduction in poor-quality regulation that currently costs our country so much. 

ACT would push to axe to the Emissions Trading Scheme, saving $100 per month for the average family of four and sparing a very considerable cost for the most important export sector of all, the farming industry. 

We would seek to stop the carbon price being doubled as is currently scheduled for 2013, have biological emissions written out of the legislation, and ultimately put the scheme on ice until our major trading partners catch up and implement their own equivalent schemes.

ACT would promote a multi-party consensus on superannuation, because almost everybody who thinks seriously about the subject knows that the age of entitlement must rise. 

As I announced yesterday, we would push for a referendum on the age of eligibility as part of any future Confidence and Supply Agreement with the National Party.

But there’s one more elephant in the room that I’ve not mentioned so far.

I started out quoting Lewis Carroll, but I might just as well have quoted the Management 101 mantra,‘what isn’t measured isn’t managed’.

If we wish to be serious as a country about retaining and attracting people and investment by closing the income gap with Australia, then a good starting point is to have agreement about what that gap is.

Keen observers will notice that I’ve quoted several sets of figures regarding the gap. 

I’ve given the 2025 Taskforce’s figure of 35 per cent in 2008.  I’ve given the result of a recent New Zealand Herald study which found it to be 38 per cent.  I’ve given my personal assessment that the gap is probably close to 40 per cent by now. 

The reality is no one knows for sure exactly what the actual figure is. 

Listening to Phil Goff and John Key making claim after counterclaim in the House about the size of the gap is tedious, or at least that’s the most polite way to put it.

The truth is that calculating the gap is not a trivial exercise. 

It requires understanding living costs, tax systems, currency differences, and employment laws, among other things.  Getting a proper reading on the gap is not a matter of simply looking on the websites of Statistics New Zealand and the Australian Bureau of Statistics.

In fact, performing just such an exercise was part of the Confidence and Supply Agreement between ACT and National in 2008. 

The 2025 Taskforce, which I had the privilege of chairing, was designed to measure the income gap with Australia, suggest ways to close it, and report annually on progress in closing it.

John Key’s decision to axe the 2025 Taskforce earlier this year was supposedly because I had decided to seek re-election to Parliament.  But while I was the chair, I was obviously not indispensible.  There was no reason it couldn’t have continued, albeit with someone else at the helm – perhaps David Caygill, already a member of the Taskforce, somebody who is clearly not aligned to either the National or the ACT parties, and somebody eminently well qualified to undertake the task.

It might be that the Prime Minister thought the Taskforce’s recommendations were too extreme.  He’s entitled to that opinion of course, just as he was able to ignore or accept its advice.

But I don’t think that’s what disbanding the Taskforce was about.

Whatever the reason, the most important result is that this election year, the income gap between New Zealand and Australia has not been measured by the Taskforce. 

Without repeating the measure made in 2008, it’s possible for politicians of all stripes to use a variety of figures to muddy the waters on where we’re really headed.

‘If you don’t know where you’re going, any road will take you there’

For this reason, I’m announcing today that one of ACT’s top priorities in any Confidence and Supply Agreement with the National Party will be the reestablishment of an arms’ length taskforce with the mandate of measuring the gap between Australia and New Zealand and reporting on it on a regular basis.

Whether or not government statisticians know there’s a gap, New Zealanders do.

Grandparents who must visit their grandchildren overseas know it.

 Young tertiary graduates who are considering joining the 24 per cent of their friends who currently live overseas know it.

Working people who see dramatically higher wages know it.

Aroha Ireland, the girl whom John Key took to Waitangi in 2008 when he was campaigning on closing the gap and who has just moved to Melbourne, she knows it too.

Perhaps most surprisingly, the 27 per cent of Year Nine students who said they wanted to permanently leave New Zealand know it too.

Why can’t our politicians get the message?

In 2008, 2025 seemed like a time frame by which we could close the gap.  It gave us 17 years to do so.

Given that we have fallen further behind in the past three years, and the Prime Minister does not want to move as fast as the Taskforce proposed previously, it seems we will need more time. 

And so it is with great sadness that I call for a 2030 Taskforce, to measure the gap between New Zealand and Australia, and give suggestions for closing it by 2030.

This Taskforce should publish an independent review of living standards in New Zealand compared to Australia every year.  Only by doing this can the nation keep politicians honestly focused on the urgent challenge of closing the income gap.

 

Only by achieving that can we hope to deal with the problems that other parties identify, by having the resources to better look after our environment and our most vulnerable citizens.

Ladies and gentlemen, the ACT Party is committed to closing the income gap with Australia.  We believe that doing so is essential to stemming the flow of people across the Tasman and is therefore essential to securing New Zealand’s long term future.

If you believe that good economic management requires good economic measurement, and that important challenges don’t go away just because they’re ignored, please give your party vote to ACT this Saturday.

A Party Vote for ACT is a vote for closing the gap with Australia like we mean it.

Putting Superannuation on the Agenda

Speech by ACT Leader Don Brash at Novotel Tainui, Alma Street, Hamilton
Wednesday, November 23 2011

Good afternoon.

In the long term, countries are only as successful as the policy choices they make.  If we look around the world today, we can see the results of denial and unreality in Greece and Italy.  If we look again, we can also see the results of forward-thinking, rational economic policy in countries like Singapore, Canada, Australia and Hong Kong. 

Our choice this election is one of which way to jump. 

There is no shortage of suggestions from the left that will lead to the ‘Greecification’ of New Zealand.  Wild spending promises, 1970s style monetary and employment policy, government getting back into the business of picking winners with your taxpayer dollars, outright bribes of $1000 after the election.  You name it, they’re offering it.

The alternative is to have a stable centre-right coalition prepared to make policy choices for the long term benefit of the country. 

The first thing that has to happen is that ACT has to have a presence in the next Government.  ACT is the right partner for a John Key-led Government, not just this election but in 2014 and beyond.  And it’s encouraging that many people recognise that - several polls suggest that ACT is the preferred partner for a National Party Government. 

The second thing that has to happen is that ACT must have not only a presence but a strong presence in the next government.  Strong enough, that is, to significantly influence the policy direction of that government.

If you doubt the need for that, consider our problems: debts, deficits and diaspora.

As I have said in many speeches in this campaign, we find ourselves competing for people, jobs, and investment with all countries but particularly with Australia. 

We are slowly losing the battle. 

If we don’t act decisively then our future as a first world country with first world public services and first world opportunity for the next generation is at risk.

Just yesterday Adam Bennett of the New Zealand Herald reminded us that we have not acted decisively in the past three years.

The exodus to Australia that John Key campaigned on stopping just three years ago has not stopped but accelerated.  It averaged 21,500 net long-term departures annually under Helen Clark, and has increased to 25,000 per year under John Key.  The Christchurch earthquakes are partly responsible, but the exodus was not significantly improving before they occurred.

The wage gap has not closed, it has widened.  In the past three years, New Zealand wages have increased by 11 per cent, compared to an Australian increase of 12.6 per cent.

National would tell you that the tax cuts of the past three years mean that after-tax wages have grown faster here.  That may well be true, but when the Government is borrowing $300 million every week to keep its spending going, such a claim is reckless.

We cannot continue to avoid reality.  If we are to succeed, we must get government spending under control and create the conditions for much faster wealth creation.  We must reduce government spending and taxes to make work and investment more attractive, and idleness less attractive.  As the Treasury recently reported in its 40 year outlook:

Returning from our current position of deficits to one of surpluses will require tough decisions about reprioritisation, which will then need to be followed by equally hard decisions further out. The trade-offs become harder and the changes required get more severe as each year of inaction passes.

This is not a case for despair, but for beginning to act soon. The largest single driver of the fiscal position is the policy choices governments make on behalf of society, which means that we have the power to make the necessary changes.

ACT is committed to New Zealand’s long term future.  We are prepared to push for the tough choices that the Treasury and anyone who is honest with themselves about our situation know are necessary.

Today I’d like to address one area of government expenditure in particular, New Zealand Superannuation.

The more you look at this issue, the more that raising the age of eligibility becomes a no-brainer.

At the most basic level, we know that people are living longer.   Life expectancy has increased by approximately two years per decade for the past 50 years.  Although this rate of increase is slowing, it hasn’t stopped.  It’s likely that somebody aged 65 in 2050 will expect to live four years longer than a 65 year-old in 2008.

Add in the impact of that particularly large cohort in our population, the baby-boomers, and you have a demographic time bomb.

Over the next 40 years, we expect our population will increase by 25 per cent.  The over 65 population will increase six times faster, by 150 per cent, and the over 85 population by a whopping 400 per cent.

The result is that, where we now have five workers supporting every pensioner, we will have only two by 2050. 

This year’s Pre Election Fiscal and Economic Update shows the cost of New Zealand Super increasing from $6.8 billion in 2007 to $12.5 billion by 2016.  The demographic time bomb is ticking louder every year.

What can be done in the current political environment to defuse it?

Some would say that we should decrease the amount we should pay each person. 

Certainly, that would relieve the fiscal pressure, but it would be almost impossible politically.  More importantly, it would defeat the purpose of having the scheme. 

New Zealand currently enjoys amongst the lowest levels of elderly poverty in the developed world, and dealing with the demographic challenge by reducing payments to people who have worked and paid taxes their entire lives would be unjust.

Another view is that the pension should be somehow means-tested again.  Labour introduced a surcharge on income other than New Zealand Super in the late 1980s, but it was simultaneously unpopular and ineffective. 

It sent the signal that saving for your own retirement was a mug’s game, and it was so easy for those with astute accountants to avoid that the surcharge became effectively a voluntary tax. 

Not surprisingly, the surcharge was abandoned by National in 1998 and it seems unlikely that reintroducing it would be politically possible or fiscally useful.

Others would push for a compulsory retirement savings scheme.  While this has clearly worked in Singapore, there are serious difficulties in administering such schemes, and compulsory schemes have been rejected twice by the New Zealand electorate over the past 36 years. 

In 1975, Robert Muldoon campaigned on dumping Labour’s compulsory scheme and won two further terms of government after doing so.  In a 1998 referendum, the New Zealand public rejected compulsory superannuation by 92 per cent to 8 per cent.

Moreover, introducing a compulsory scheme when we already have a pay-as-you-go system would be to ask the present generation of workers to both pay tax to fund superannuation for those already in retirement - and those close to it - while funding their own retirement. 

It is particularly surprising that Labour would propose such a scheme.  Of course, Labour might claim that it is employers not workers who would pay into the proposed compulsory retirement scheme, but any student of Economics 101 knows that while employers might write the cheque, it is workers who would end up paying for those contributions in the form of lower wages.

And that is without giving any consideration to the unfairness of requiring young married people to contribute to a compulsory savings scheme when they would be much better off, financially and in other ways, by paying off their mortgage.

Yes, there may be some benefits in a compulsory scheme and it’s hard to avoid the conclusion that Singapore’s scheme works very well – though of course Singapore never had a pay-as-you-go scheme to begin with.  But in my view, given where we are starting from, the disadvantages of compulsion outweigh the advantages.

The most obvious way to manage the fiscal costs of New Zealand Super is to raise the age of entitlement.

What are the political and fiscal implications of doing so?

First, there is good reason to believe that New Zealanders would support raising the age. 

It might be best to start by asking those most directly affected.  Those at the current retirement age of 65. 

In 2008, the Ministry of Social Development did just that, and the results were a surprise for those who believe the pension at 65 is a political sacred cow. 

57 per cent of those surveyed at age 65 were working, and a further seven per cent said they intended to work in the year ahead.

These figures were closely similar to the general labour market participation rate and unemployment rate for the 15-64 year-old working-age population, which were 65 per cent employed and five per cent looking for work at the time of the Ministry’s survey.

Clearly, people at the current retirement age are interested in working.

Of those working, 92 per cent said they liked being busy, 90 per cent said they liked their work, 90 per cent said they felt they had something to contribute, and 83 per cent said they worked because they liked the contact with other people.

In addition, the survey reported that:

The employment of older workers provides positive benefits for the older workers themselves, for society in general and for government revenue. Work at older ages is likely to lead to higher retirement incomes and standards of living, improved physical and mental health, social connectedness and interaction, social status and respect, possibilities for lifelong learning and development, and the ability to stay active.

It seems that the broader population also favours raising the age of eligibility. 

In May, a Herald Digipoll reported that 52.3 per cent of voters favoured raising the age.  Even amongst those whom you might expect to most strongly oppose raising it – 40 to 64 year-olds – there was 44.5 per cent support for raising the age.

A later Herald Digipoll showed a slight softening of support for raising the age, with support at 48 per cent compared to 47 per cent opposed, with 5 per cent refusing to say or undecided.

Fiscally, not only would raising the retirement age increase tax revenue from more work and reduce spending on pensions, it would also reduce government spending on healthcare and on the welfare system by helping to keep over 65 year-olds healthy and engaged.

Clearly this is an issue that is in play with the New Zealand electorate.  As the fiscal realities of New Zealand Super with an aging population become larger and clearer, support for raising the age will almost certainly rise.

After assessing the issue, the Retirement Commissioner Diana Crossan has proposed raising the age of eligibility from 65 to 67.  Her proposal would raise the age by two months per year starting in 2020, so that the age would reach 67 by 2033.

However, even according to Ms Crossan’s own report this is a very conservative proposal.  Many other countries are also moving the age at which people become eligible for their taxpayer-funded retirement income schemes, some more quickly than the Retirement Commissioner proposes here.

The United Kingdom and the Netherlands, for example, will both raise the age of eligibility to 66 by 2020, the year we plan to start raising ours.  Ireland will raise its age to 67 by 2021 and 68 by 2028.  Australia will raise its retirement age to 67 by 2023, as will Denmark and the United States by 2027 and Germany by 2029.

Clearly there is good reason to think that we too should raise our retirement age somewhat more quickly than the Retirement Commissioner has proposed.  Many countries have already started, yet her proposal has us marking time for the next decade.

The difficulty is one that pervades the economic policy debate in New Zealand, as Damien Grant of the Herald on Sunday recently opined about our lack of initiative on economic policy, ‘Blueprint ready, Bravery Lacking’.

The single biggest impediment to raising the age in line with demographic and fiscal reality, with the advice of the Retirement Commissioner, and with the movement of many of our trading partners including Australia is the Prime Minister’s public declaration that he would rather resign than raise the age.

We find ourselves in the position where an Opposition leader who is otherwise extremely unpopular - and who is advocating some seriously bad policies -  is on the right side of the superannuation debate, and an extremely popular Prime Minister who is on the wrong side.

I have already promised that ACT will provide Confidence and Supply to a National-led Government.  I believe it is crucial that New Zealand has a viable centre-right Government to prevent a drift to the ‘Greecification’ that a coalition of the left would deliver.

But the long term consequences of superannuation are too large to slip through the cracks of today’s politics.  I hope that National will remain in Government for several more terms, but New Zealand cannot wait that long for a proper superannuation debate.

In my campaign launch speech 10 days ago, I said that ACT would put the issue of superannuation on the agenda. 

Today I’d like to announce that, in order to do that, ACT will ask that the issue of raising the superannuation age be put to a public vote.

In any negotiations over Confidence and Supply with the National Party next week, we will push for a referendum to be held on the retirement age in the coming year.

The question could be very simple.  For example:

‘Should New Zealand match Australia’s retirement age of 67 by 2023 by raising the age of eligibility six months every second year starting from 2017?’

This referendum would take this question and its long term consequences out of today’s politics and put New Zealand’s fiscal destiny in the hands of New Zealanders.

I very much doubt that New Zealanders, faced with a proper debate on this subject, would choose to continue evading fiscal reality.  It would give John Key a strong mandate to begin raising the age.

Anybody who objects to the cost of such a referendum should consider that the last referendum, on smacking, cost $8.9 million.  Next year, the year of the proposed referendum, New Zealand Superannuation will cost $9.5 billion, or more than a million dollars every hour.  In other words, having a proper public debate about superannuation would cost less than nine hours’ worth of current superannuation spending.

In my opinion, that’s worth every penny.

Ladies and gentlemen, New Zealand faces stark choices about its economic future.  We can choose to continue with a dangerous do-little approach while our incomes continue to fall behind, our people continue to leave, and our economic policies stagnate.  Or we can face up to reality.

A vote for ACT is a vote for New Zealanders to take control of their destiny.  It is a vote for New Zealand to get back on track towards remaining a first world country, with first world opportunity for the next generation.

Ladies and gentlemen, to retain a John Key-led government and put the burning question of superannuation on the agenda for the next term, give your party vote to ACT this Saturday.

Brash Calls For Referendum on Retirement Age

ACT Leader Don Brash called for a referendum on the age of eligibility for New Zealand Superannuation stating ACT’s belief that a decision on the pension age should not be left to politicians alone.  

“The single biggest impediment to raising the age of eligibility – a measure that is widely-acknowledged as being necessary – is the Prime Minister’s promise that he would resign rather than raise the age, yet this promise is at odds with the demographic and fiscal reality,” Dr Brash said.  

“ACT believes we cannot afford to have a single politician influence such an important issue in this way. ACT will push hard for a referendum to be held on the retirement age in the coming year. 

“We would negotiate for such a referendum to form part of our Confidence and Supply Agreement with National in the upcoming Government.  

“The referendum question could be very simple.  For example: ‘Should New Zealand match Australia’s retirement age of 67 by 2023 by raising the age of eligibility six months every second year starting from 2017?’

“A referendum would take this issue, and its long term consequences, out of today’s politics and put New Zealand’s fiscal destiny in the hands of New Zealanders.  

“New Zealand faces stark realities about its economic future; it should be up to the people to choose.  A vote for ACT is a vote for New Zealanders to take control of their destiny,” Dr Brash said.  

 

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